Федеральное государственное бюджетное образовательное учреждение высшего образования
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Social Capital and Democratic Citizenship: The Case of South Korea CHONG-MIN PARK, DOH CHULL SHIN Forty years ago, in their pioneering work, Civic Culture, Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba emphasized the importance of social participation and interpersonal trust for democracy, even though they did not explicitly use the term ‘social capital’ in their work. According to them, the propensity of civic cooperation is rooted in social attitudes, such as having faith in people, which is cultivated through taking part in voluntary associations. They argued that such associations infuse their members with habits of cooperation and norms of reciprocity conducive to civic engagement. They viewed involvement in social organizations as one of the ultimate sources of democratic citizenship, a crucial feature of civic culture. Drawing upon de Tocqueville's early work on US democracy, Robert Putnam explicitly relates civil society to democratic governance through the concept of social capital in his analysis of the performance of regional governments in Italy. He argues that a dense network of voluntary associations generates social capital by supporting norms of reciprocity and trust and providing networks of social relations for civic action, which ultimately contribute to the effective performance of democratic institutions. Civic associations are considered to contribute to democracy both internally and externally. Internally, these associations help their members not only to acquire participatory skills and resources but also to learn democratic norms and values. Externally, they facilitate the articulation and representation of citizen interests to a democratic state. Civil society is viewed to determine the quality of democratic governance through social networks and norms of trust. Despite some sharp disagreements on the sources of social capital in the scholarly community, a growing number of social scientists follow Robert Putnam's lead and further elaborate the thesis that social capital is important for democracy. For instance, in their analysis of US public opinion data, John Brehm and Wendy Rahn identify the aggregate phenomenon of social capital at an individual level by demonstrating its presence in the form of a tight reciprocal relationship between civic engagement and interpersonal trust. In his study of state governments in the United States, Stephen Knack shows that generalized trust is associated with better governmental performance, while social connectedness is unrelated to governmental performance and calls into question the use of social capital that mixes social networks and trust. In his analysis of Russian public opinion data, James Gibson shows that individuals embedded in extensive social networks are more likely to support key democratic institutions and processes, but points out that interpersonal trust is not a prerequisite to support for democratic institutions and processes. In their analysis of New Russia Barometer survey data Richard Rose and Craig Weller find that neither trust nor organizational membership influences commitment to democratic values and suggest that any positive effects of social capital may be contingent. In their comparative study of Germany, the United States and Sweden, Dietlind Stolle and Thomas Rochon show that associational membership is related to higher political activity and awareness, as well as higher levels of generalized trust and that there are national differences in the relationships. By using World Value survey data Kenneth Newton demonstrates that ‘associational membership is not unimportant for the generation of social trust, but less important than some other social and political factors’. International Review of Social History (2010), 55: 1-26 Volume 55 - Supplement S18 Globalization, Environmental Change, and Social History: An Introduction Peter Boomgaarda, Marjolein 't Harta Throughout the ages, the activities of humankind have weighed considerably upon the environment. In turn, changes in that environment have favoured the rise of certain social groups and limited the actions of others. Nevertheless, environmental history has remained a “blind spot” for many social and economic historians. This is to be regretted, as changes in ecosystems have always had quite different consequences for different social groups. Indeed, the various and unequal effects of environmental change often explain the strengths and weaknesses of certain social groups, irrespective of their being defined along lines of class, gender, or ethnicity. This Special Issue of the International Review of Social History aims to bring together the expertise of social and environmental historians. In the last few decades of the twentieth century, expanding holes in the ozone layer, global warming, and the accelerated pace of the destruction of the tropical forests have resulted in a worldwide recognition of two closely related processes: globalization and environmental change. The contributions to this volume provide striking case studies of such connections in earlier periods, revealing a fruitful interconnection between social and environmental history. This introduction provides a historiographical context for the essays that follow, focusing on the relevant notions connected with globalization and environmental change, and stressing the existing interactions between environmental and social history. We are particularly interested in the consequences of processes induced by globalization, how transnational forces and agents changed the socio-ecological space, and how that affected relationships between different classes in history. Globalization And Global History Globalization is a concept that needs further elaboration. The rise of the internet, the shifts in the power of sovereign national states, the intricate intertwining of global markets, and the enormous numbers of people migrating across regions and continents trying to escape wars, environmental degradation, or disasters have prompted several scholars to explain these recent trends using new definitions of globalization. The description by the political scientists David Held and Anthony McGrew nicely captures our understanding: Simply put, globalization denotes the expanding scale, growing magnitude, speeding up and deepening impact of interregional flows and patterns of interaction. It refers to a shift or transformation in the scale in human organization that links distant communities and expands the reach of power relations across the world’s major regions and continents. In history, as well as in the social sciences, debates abound on the timing or start of globalization. In contrast to some scholars, we are not inclined to use globalization as a term limited to a new epoch that started in the 1980s or 1990s, neither do we think that the rapid globalization in the nineteenth century precludes all early modern globalization, nor do we see a specific date (1492 or 1571 have been suggested, for example) in the early modern period from which globalization truly took off.6 Rather, we wish to look upon globalization as a set of highly variegated processes that can be labelled in different ways, ranging from “thick” to “thin” globalization and from “diffused” to “expanded”. These categories are derived from Global Transformations, the influential study by David Held et al. in which they observe variations in the extensity, the intensity, the velocity, and the impact of global connections. “Thick” globalization then refers to processes that share an expanding scale, growing magnitude, and an acceleration as well as a deepening of their impact. A case in point is the growing interconnection of the world markets in the late nineteenth century under the auspices of the British Empire. Thin globalization typically relates to developments that can be defined by an expanding scale while the other three characteristics are weak. A good example is the long-distance trade along the Eurasian silk route in the medieval period. The impact of diffuse globalization is likewise rather shallow, yet its velocity and intensity are high; the worldwide spread of Coca-Cola may serve as an illustration. Finally, expanded globalization refers to developments in which the impact is high, yet the intensity and velocity are limited, as represented by the colonization of Latin America and the Caribbean in the early modern period. This distinction in different categories allows us thus to investigate environmental impacts that can be substantial even before the rise of imperialism or other obvious “thick” globalizations. In line with these thoughts, it would be preferable to speak about “globalizations” instead of one “globalization”, not as a single process but as a multitude of uneven developments. Implicit in numerous conceptualizations of globalization is the assumption that it inevitably entails homogenization, that all societies will increasingly look the same. Although convergence is indeed often strong, globalization also leads to divergence, which is best illustrated perhaps by the division in world power. A set of elite groups in the core regions maintain excellent relations with the new nodes of power, while other groups and regions become increasingly marginalized. For example, when the world financial markets experienced rapid interconnection in the late twentieth century the number of financial experts actually acquainted with the development was quite small; they were termed the “new economic hit men”, and included major investors such as George Soros. The social scientist Manuel Castells stressed that globalization effectuates a sharpening of class distinctions and even the emergence of new classes. He observed that in the age of the internet, certain business managers moved rapidly towards the upper echelons of society, while at the bottom a new “fourth class” found itself deprived of digital ways to make money. Castells summarizes these trends as follows: elites are cosmopolitan and global, “ordinary people” remain oriented towards the local. Comparable processes are observed in different fields: for example, James Scott noted that in a Malaysian village the new profits of the green revolution went disproportionately to the wealthier farmers. Thus, marginalized people remain localized, strengthening divergence. Divergence can also be the result of resistance to global trends. A growing consciousness of typically local and national interests results in movements wishing to stress differing and alternative paths, such as nationalist parties and fundamentalist Islam, to mention but a few. Movements that do not oppose globalization yet aspire to blend global tendencies within local traditions and solutions are called glocal, which can also reinforce divergent trends. Historians have also recognized the thick globalization of the last few decades of the twentieth century, above all its impact on the role of sovereign states. Not that the nation-state is withering away, but its functions have undergone major transformations, and historians have become more attentive to the workings of transnational trends and agents in earlier periods. As the global connections changed and intensified, as regional and intercontinental structures expanded, historians increasingly looked back on the development of their own nation-states as constructs that were strongly linked to a specific phase in world history. This stimulated the rise of a distinct group of world historians, as exemplified by the establishment of the Journal of World History in 1990. Within world history a further specialization occurred, with one group studying the world as a whole (world historians) and another focusing on global connections and comparisons across regions and continents (global historians). Although the Journal of World History harboured both species, the Journal of Global History was founded in 2006 with explicit reference to the second group. In calling attention to global connections, this Special Issue is strongly embedded within this latter trend of historiography, stressing further that globalization is a multifaceted process with both convergent and divergent trends that do not necessarily have to be “thick” to have a significant impact on localized societies. Japanese Journal of Political Science (2005), 6: 87-109 Volume 6 - Issue 01 Terrorism, Social Movements, and International Security: How Al Qaeda Affects Southeast Asia DAVID LEHENY When a massive car bomb destroyed a Bali nightclub in October 2002, suspicion immediately fell on Al Qaeda, thousands of miles from its original base in Afghanistan and almost equally removed from the American targets that would ostensibly attract the group's attention. In many American minds, at least, this confirmed Southeast Asia as a ‘second front’ in the conflict with Al Qaeda. And yet the Bali bombing as well as the recent arrests and killings of Southeast Asian Islamist movements together raise as many questions as they answer. While there is no more any doubt that Al Qaeda members have been active in the region, the meaning for the ‘War on Terrorism’ and for our understanding of non-state political violence remains murky. Were these agents working under the direct control of Al Qaeda leaders? If the attack on the disco signifies a broad Al Qaeda shift to attacks on ‘soft targets’, why have nightclub attacks not become a more common phenomenon elsewhere? Is it possible that the target had a distinctive meaning in Indonesia that might differentiate it from other Al Qaeda attacks? If so, this suggests that our usual metaphors for Al Qaeda's structure – a military organization or an amorphous network – are insufficient, perhaps because they sidestep the political issues involved in the links between Al Qaeda's core and like-minded groups around the world. And the problem is political, not primarily religious, military, or even conventionally ideological. Al Qaeda's leaders are strategic actors, who believe themselves to be embedded in long-term, iterative struggles over outcomes, and they have chosen their tactics accordingly. By the same token, terrorism itself is largely about the use of potent symbols to hearten supporters and to intimidate enemies, and the tactics do not make sense outside of the symbolic contexts in which they are chosen. For scholars of security studies to deal forthrightly with this new type of conflict – which Stephen Walt describes as the ‘most rapid and dramatic change in the history of US foreign policy’ – they will need to think creatively about how to integrate the meaning that small, violent groups attach to actions with devastating immediate impact and long-term consequences for international security. What are most distinctive about Al Qaeda's efforts are not just their effectiveness but rather their ability to link, sometimes fitfully and imprecisely, the global interests of the core organization with the more limited concerns of local activists. Doing so relies on the reframing of local groups’ demands and concerns, and on the diffusion of repertoires of violence that dictate appropriate measures and targets. This paper uses cases of Islamist violence in Southeast Asia to argue that the most promising way to further the discussion of terrorism in international security may be to draw the study of transnational social movements into security studies. Largely marginalized within studies of international norms, social movements in international relations might be conceptualized differently, to allow scholars to think more broadly about security threats. In this view, the threat posed by Al Qaeda comes not from a tightly controlled military organization with global reach, and not from a loose network with cells operating at roughly equivalent ‘nodes’ around the world – two popular interpretations discussed below. It arises instead from Al Qaeda's apparent but limited success in acting as a social movement organization, operating as a core group that aims at mobilizing support and cooperation from conceivably like-minded movements in other parts of the globe. Even social movement scholars critique the murkiness of research on movement frames, and my goal here is not to argue that the perspective offers a panacea for the study of terrorist organizations. Comparisons matter, however, and we are more likely to generate rigorous empirical research if we can meaningfully draw on the large body of literature on other political movements, rather than assert the irreducible novelty of Al Qaeda or connect it awkwardly to prevailing theories of conflict between states. The use of social movement theory to explain Al Qaeda activities has three merits, all of which should be important to security studies and international terrorism. First, evidence on Al Qaeda's activities suggests that it has played an important role in supporting Islamist terrorism around the globe, but that these effects are qualified by the prevailing concerns of local militants. In Southeast Asia, for example, Al Qaeda members have clearly contributed to the rise in anti-Western violence, but the style of violence often implies the preoccupation of local actors rather than the movement core. Second, terrorism operates at a crucial nexus of meaning and action. To be sure, terrorist groups try to act strategically and rationally, but their attacks are usually unintelligible without an understanding of the symbolic contexts in which they take place. Social movement theory has addressed the tension between rationalist and interpretivist approaches for decades, and has developed several solutions that might be helpful for studies of security. Finally, the sheer variety of studies of social movement theory provides a rich portfolio from which to analyze terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda. Because of the paucity of existing international security literature on terrorism, the theoretical guidance available in the long history of social movement research ought to provide a helpful point from which to think anew about non-state actors as security threats. At a certain level, all politics is local, and this is likely true of transnational terrorism as well. |
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